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Bishops bloody, besieging churches in Nicaragua crackdown

A pro-government mob shoved, battered and scratched Cardinal Leopoldo Brenes and other Catholic leaders as they attempted to enter the Basilica of San Sebastian. "Killer!" People called. An auxiliary bishop was hit on the arm with a kind of sharp object.

The ugly scene in the normally sleepy town of Diriamba, an hour's drive south of Nicaragua's capital, was a dramatic example of how quickly a wave of turmoil has abated Relations between the Roman Catholic Church and the beleaguered President Daniel Ortega

The Church has attempted to play a mediating role between Ortega's Sandinista government and protesters, who increasingly demanded his release from demonstrations and clashes involving around 450 people ̵

1; most of them demonstrators (19659-4). Instead, he is increasingly being replaced by Ortega and his Targeting backers, reviving an enmity between the Sandinista base and the church establishment that became hot in the 1980s, but over the past few years it seemed that the guerrilla commander had formed a sort of alliance with once-critical bishops.

Brenes, the Archbishop of Managua, traveled to Diriamba 9 in July, the day after he telephoned the priests there and heard shots and ambulances. He found doctors and nurses who tended to wound protesters and now found refuge in the basilica, surrounded by government forces.

"There was a fear that they would enter the church to find the people who were staying here." said the pastor, pastor Cesar Alberto Castillo Rodríguez.

Despite the scuffle at the door, Brene's delegation, which included the Vatican's chief diplomat in Nicaragua, evacuated people from the church.

Two weeks later, despite a massive police presence, the church is covered in pro-government graffiti.

"My Commander Remains," reads a scribble, an allusion to Ortega, and others contain vulgar insults. They are signed with "JS" for the Spanish-speaking initials of the Sandinista Youth, a pro-government organization that has acted as shock troops against protesters.

The basilica eventually resumed service, but how many churches in Nicaragua did she have the Mass in the evening, when police and armed gangs of Pro-Ortega ruled the streets.

"We realized that people were not coming," said Brenes.

The Church, essentially the last independent institution to become one A large part of Nicaraguans are experiencing the upheavals of Ortega, who have regained ground in the midst of the most serious challenge to his power in this decade – and since he regained his post.

In April, the president asked the church to mediate peace talks. But the dialogue collapsed quickly when it became clear that he would not continue the elections planned for 2021.

Last week, Ortega accused the bishops of being putschists and storing weapons in churches – without offering any evidence. and said they were "disqualified" as mediators.

Days later, he reversed the course, saying he hoped the church would continue to mediate and insist that the government not persecute them.

Ortega's strategy with the church has always been either charming or intimidating, "said Henri Gooren, an anthropologist at Oakland University in Michigan and editor of the Encyclopaedia of Latin American Religions." I think he has found out that charm is not works … all he can do now is to intimidate and deprive them of their credibility. "

Ortega's verbal attacks mainly tell his allies (pro-government gangs):" They can beat up priests and bishops and church buildings without punishment, "said Gooren.

This week, Brenes and his bishops met and agreed to continue the dialogue, the only option he sees to stop the violence. Democratization "Nicaragua went nowhere over Ortega's refusal to leave office, he said that the negotiators were hi For arrested demonstrators, who were able to obtain the peaceful removal of some barricades and access by international observers, such as the OAS, he sees it, without the dialogue, more would have been killed.

The 69-year-old cardinal can also have a long-term view because he has been through this before.

Interviewed on the terrace of his humble home in Managua, Brenes remembered harboring teens as young priests who supported Ortega's Sandinista Front decades ago when they were being pursued by National Guard troops from the Somoza dictatorship

And In 1979, after being transferred to a community in Jinotepe armed Sandinista fighters have taken over his church. Once a sniper with a wife and a young girl captured him in the vicarage. They hid under a sink for three days and survived biscuits and a bag of pinol, a cornstarch and chocolate powder, mixed with water or milk.

In 1991, Brenes helped to reconcile between the Sandinista army and US-backed contra rebels the mountains of Matagalpa and back and forth between representatives of two sides who did not even want to approach.

After Ortega's speech called the Episcopate putschists, Brenes said he had the Spanish word "golpista" in which he found the opposite of what he intended.

"I read there, 'Someone who acts to take power & # 39 ;," said Brenes.

Ortega repeatedly came into conflict with the conservative authorities of the church when his socialist-oriented Sandinists ruled in the 1980s – a time when many young left-wing priests openly supported the former guerrillas and made Pope John angry with Paul II [19659003] But Ortega worked to improve relations with the church after losing elections in the 1990s, and when he returned to power in 2006, he was often pleased with the church and made a friendship with the Nicaraguan church leader, the late Archbishop Miguel Obando y Bravo.

When the new wave of protests erupted in April – initially through cuts in the social security system – government forces and the Sandinista youth struck hard.

On April 20, hundreds of student protests sought refuge in Managua's cathedral, where the church raised funds to support demonstrators. When the police and the Sandinista youth fell, the students withdrew and did not return until after the clergy negotiated their safe passage.

Brenes and several bishops made public statements against violence and for dialogue. Later, the Episcopal Conference issued a stronger condemnation of the crackdown and called on the authorities "to hear the cry of the young Nicaraguans."

For the most part, the Vatican was silent about the conflict and, as usual, behind the scenes deferred diplomacy, while the local church handled the situation on the ground.

Last week, Pope Francis made a statement in Nicaragua in which he expressed "the pope's deep concern about the seriousness of the situation".

On the same day as the attack in Diriamba, Ortega's supporters plundered the community of Santiago Apostol in Jinotepe and threw pews down the steps, while they shouted that the church was home to terrorists.

The most shocking incident occurred at the Church of Jesus of Divine Mercy in Managua

15 hours overnight, on 13 and 14 July, armed government supporters fired at the church, while 155 students protested by one located near the university, under the pews. A student shot in the head outside in a barricade died on the parsonage floor.

Brenes made sure they arrived safely in the city's cathedral.

The Divine Mercy Facade is still shaken by hundreds of impacts. A small chapel behind the main sanctuary bore the heaviest fire; Walks pierced a picture of Jesus Christ and bounced off the gilded box with the sacrament.

On a recent Sunday, parishioner Nelly Harding, 56, wiped away tears as she left the chapel, "If they do not respect the house of God, do not respect the lives of defenseless people, what can we hope for?" [19659003] Pastor Erick Alvarado Cole said the police had not come to investigate, and the scars of the building would remain the same as they are.

19659003] "These holes in the walls, the Christ, the side chapel, the windows, will in this way prove the pain of the Nicaraguan people," said Alvarado. "If it gets repaired, it's like nothing happened."


Associated Press author Nicole Winfield contributed to this report from Rome.

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