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Byron York: Müller has changed everything



From now on, the Trump-Russia affair that dominated the first years of Donald Trump's presidency is divided into two parts: before and after the publication of the Müller report. Before the Special Counsel's findings were released last month, the President's opponents were on the offensive. Now they are playing defense.

The change is based on a simple fact: Müller was unable to conclude that there was a conspiracy or coordination between Russia and the Trump campaign for the 2016 election. The Special Authority surveyed 500 witnesses, issued 2,800 subpoenas, executed nearly 500 search and seizure orders, and received nearly 300 electronic communications records. She still could not tell what the investigation was all about.

Without a verdict that a conspiracy ̵

1; or convention in the vernacular – took place, everything else in the Trump-Russia affair began to lose importance.

In particular, allegations that the president prevented the judiciary from covering up a plot were cast in allegations that he had obstructed an investigation into a crime that prosecutors could not say had actually happened. Although it is legally possible to prosecute an obstacle case without an underlying crime, a critical element of disability – the knowledge of guilt – disappeared the moment Muller's report was published.

Of course, TV speakers are still arguing about disability. However, with the publication of the report, the investigation shifted from the legal to the political sphere. And in the political arena, the president has 99.6% of Americans who are not lawyers, a simple and effective case to show: you say that I have hindered an investigation into something that has not happened? And they want to charge me with that?

The ground has shifted in the month since the report was published. Before the release, many Democrats took a stance in which they "wait for Müller". Their anti-Trump strategy was based on the hope that Müller would find the eagerly awaited conspiracy.

Then Müller did not deliver. And not only that, Mueller's report covered 448 pages, with many details and arcane legal arguments that the public would never read. The Democrats were looking for a way to convince the Americans that the president was still to blame for something serious.

They planned to turn the Müller report into a television show accessible to millions of viewers who have not even read a page of the report itself. They would call key witnesses to make dramatic statements in television broadcasts that would help support their possible removal from office.

At the same time, they insisted that attorney general William Barr, who allowed the top legislators to view the full Müller report, with the exception of a small amount of grand jury material, hid something and that the hidden material might be the misconduct of the Reveal president.

So far, the strategy has not worked. The White House, which provided Müller with testimonies and documents that could easily be held back as privileged, was less open to Congress. We gave Detective Muller what he needed, the White House said, but we are not required to do the same for Congress.

The dispute could take a long time to settle.

In the meantime, the House Democrats have been reduced to stunts to attract the public's attention. In the Capitol they recently hired Hollywood star John Cusack to attend a public reading of the entire Müller report – it took 12 hours – as the C-Span cameras rolled. The event has not exactly mesmerized the nation.

Now the Republicans have turned the tables on the Democrats by reinvigorating their long-held desire to "investigate the investigation." Barr, who provoked enormous controversy with his statement that "espionage took place," took up the case and assigned US Attorney John Durham to investigate the origins of the probe.

The report of the Inspector General of the Ministry of Justice, Michael Horowitz, on the handling of the case by the Ministry of Justice. It is probably no coincidence that some Obama-era intelligence officers are talking to each other for relying on the so-called Steele dossier, a collection of unfounded allegations against the President, put together by a former British spy on behalf of Hillary Clinton. Campaign.

None of this would have happened without the conclusion of the Müller report that the evidence does not establish conspiracy or coordination. If the Democrats could continue claiming that Trump and Russia had conspired in 2016, they would still have the upper hand. But according to Müller this assertion is no longer possible, and the democratic hopes are dwindling.


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