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Democrats want to join the Iranian nuclear agreement again. It is not so easy.

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                  Former Vice President Joe Biden discusses his foreign policy in New York, and the hopes of the Democratic president of 2020 were that he would only return to the Iranian nuclear deal Spencer Platt / Getty Images </p>
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Foreign Policy

Even if Trump loses, political and logistical hurdles could make it impossible to rejoin the 2015 agreement.

Most Democrats presidential candidates have promised to rejoin the Iranian nuclear deal when they win the Oval Office.

It will not be that easy.

Continuing the story

] When the inauguration day begins in 2021, not even a deal may end – since President Donald Trump last Year on a topic. Even if it still exists, sections of the 2015 Agreement will be forfeited in the coming years. Trump's Penal Sanctions With regard to Iran, it will be difficult to complete. Iran has elections that could bring more hardliners to power against the deal, and Tehran has already threatened to break the deal in the coming months. Then there is the possibility that Iran and the US are in a full-fledged military conflict.

Democratic campaign workers recognize these challenges. However, they insist that the smartest move in political and political terms is for the White House hopefuls to promise a return to the 2015 agreement. They said it was an opportunity for candidates to connect with a popular legacy of Barack Obama, to differentiate themselves from Trump and send a signal to the world – including Iran – that the US will again be a reliable partner.

Turning away from this hysterical way Washington identifies Iran as this uniquely problematic actor that exists outside of normal diplomacy, "said Matt Duss, an advisor to Bernie Sanders, the Vermont Independent Senator, who made the Democratic nomination seeks.

The government of former President Barack Obama has spent years negotiating with the Iranian Islamist government and global partners over the nuclear deal. The agreement lifted numerous international sanctions against Iran to severely curtail its nuclear program.

Trump announced the agreement last year on the grounds that it was too narrow and limited in time and should have covered Iran's non-nuclear activities as well as supporting terrorist groups. Despite sanctions and other pressures, Trump was unable to move Iran to a new business. If anything, the two countries approached a military confrontation, in which both sides shot at each other's drones, among other things.

The nuclear deal is one of the few foreign policy issues that regularly crops up for the two dozen Democrats working for the White House.

In February, the Democratic National Committee passed a resolution calling on the US to rejoin the agreement. Since then, most Democratic aspirants have essentially taken the same position in debates and other forums.

"Whatever his imperfections were, this was perhaps as close to a true" art of the deal "as it gets," said candidate Pete Buttigieg, mayor of South Bend, Ind., In a foreign policy speech at the last month.

The only serious exception to date was Cory Booker, the New Jersey senator, who refused to promise a "one-sided" return during a debate. "If I have the opportunity to do better business, I will," said Booker, who is close to Israeli activists opposing the current agreement.

In both cases, former US officials and Iranian analysts consider a reality review appropriate.

The Iranian Islamist leaders, after following Trump's role for a year in the deal, began retaliating in recent weeks and taking small-albeit reversible-steps that affected their compliance. They have promised further violations every 60 days, unless the United States somehow lifts their sanctions or other contracting parties help Iran receive economic aid.

As things are, Tehran may not be able to meet the deal significantly until the 2020 elections, or it may be completely gone.

This poses a dilemma for Democrats, some of whom have secured their pledge to return to the agreement by saying that Iran must abide by it. This could lead to a crippling "chicken-and-egg" scenario in which Iran refuses to comply with the rules until the US lifts its sanctions, and the US refuses to lift the sanctions until Iran resumes compliance.

Even though this has been resolved, there are other challenges.

Some hardliners in Iran have suggested that the country should not return to the agreement before the United States pays compensation for the economic damage caused by Trump's sanction retreat. That should not be a start in Washington, as many Congressmen, including some Democrats, will certainly compete against such a payoff.

"The presumption in Washington is that we've leveraged the exit from the business – that we may get concessions from Iran," said Ariane Tabatabai, an associate political scientist at RAND Corporation. "The Iranians think the same thing – that they now have a leverage effect and will be able to get concessions from us."

The United States is not the only one who has a choice that could determine the future of American-Iranian relations. Iran holds parliamentary elections in 2020, and the anti-American sentiment trumped by Trump and his sanctions could give Iranian hardliners who oppose talks with the United States an advantage.

Iran will also hold its presidential elections in 2021, and it is not clear who will triumph.

President Hassan Rouhani, whose administration negotiated the 2015 agreement, can not stand again. In the political spectrum of Iran, Rouhani is considered moderate. In 2013 he replaced the more conservative Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.

Ultimately, the country's top leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, has the last say in state affairs. The clergyman rejected the idea of ​​negotiating with Trump, and he appeared reluctant to agree to the deal signed under Obama. If a Democrat becomes president in 2021, Khamenei may still be politically challenged to talk about it. But the Iranian economy may be so damaged by then that it may have no choice but to negotiate – even if Trump is re-elected.

Another unpleasant fact: elements of the 2015 nuclear agreement and other international restrictions on Iran will expire in the coming years.

A United Nations-sponsored ban on conventional arms sales to Iran is expected to expire in 2020. By 2023, a United States action has called for Iran to curtail its ballistic missile program. In the next ten years, parts of the treaty will expire, allowing Iran, among other things, to deploy advanced centrifuges and enrich uranium beyond present borders.

Under the agreement, Iran has agreed to permit permanently enhanced international inspections and surveillance of its nuclear activities. Iran is also party to the Non-Proliferation Treaty, which came into force in 1970, meaning that it has committed itself to the international community not to seek nuclear weapons. However, Iranian critics will point out the past nuclear riots and the upcoming expiration date of elements of the 2015 agreement, which are the reasons for not returning to the existing agreement.

"It's a really good conversation to say," Trump got out of business. I'll get back in, but agreeing to re-agree when the clock is already up and running is child's play, "said Ilan Berman, senior vice president of the conservative American Foreign Policy Council. "The message must be that any framework that the US agrees with must be longer and better than the previous one."

The resumption of the original agreement would require a new US president to lift the nuclear sanctions Trump has agreed on. I ran. That alone is a complicated task.

And it could not be enough for Iran because Trump went beyond the sanctions imposed on Iran prior to the nuclear deal. The Republican president has imposed a series of new sanctions on Iranian individuals and organizations as part of his "maximum pressure" campaign, and Iranian leaders could insist that all these sanctions be withdrawn. That could be both logistically and politically challenging.

For example, Trump identified Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps as a terrorist organization when the US first applied such a label to a foreign state institution. Even Democrats say the IRGC is a vicious actor, and it could lead to serious domestic setbacks if a Democratic president decides to lift that designation.

In fact, some Iranian hawks have urged Trump to impose such complex and severe sanctions to complicate the return of a future president to the 2015 nuclear deal. And in a general election, Trump will surely accuse his Democratic opponent of endangering America by promising to lift the sanctions on Iran and rejoin the agreement's position of re-entry into the deal.

Former Vice President Joe Biden said he will not return to agreement until Iran complies. But he also committed to finding a way to "strengthen and expand it".

A high-ranking adviser to the Biden campaign said the former vice president knows that much can change by 2021, but sees the promise of a return to the 2015 agreement as among other things, an important signal to US allies in Europe to send who are angry over Trump's abandonment.

"It's a down payment for our credibility," said the adjutant. "A new government will have to do something to restore the good word of the United States."

Various polls have shown that most Americans are against Trump's decision to terminate the 2015 agreement.

For now, as they compete for their party's nomination, the promise of a return to the deal is a politically safe place for Democrats, also because of Obama's continued popularity, a Democrat said.

"The Iran deal is popular with Democrats for the reason Donald Trump left it," the agent said. "It was negotiated by Barack Obama."

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