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Jihadists from Pakistan kill 40 and Indians demand an answer



Can India Protect Against Jihadist Groups in Pakistan? How New Delhi reacts to a suicide bombing by Jaish-e-Mohammed, in which at least 40 Indian soldiers were killed, can answer this question. One thing is already clear: Prime Minister Narendra Modi is under tremendous pressure in the national elections this spring to punish Pakistan militarily.

The attack on Valentine's Day marks a sharp escalation of conflict in Indian Kashmir, a predominantly Muslim province in India and Pakistan claiming. Since a rebellion broke out there 30 years ago, not a single incident has claimed so many lives. The use of a car bomb – an SUV with more than 600 pounds of explosives rammed into a paramilitary convoy – is also a threatening sign. It was the first car bomb in Kashmir for 1

4 years.

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The attack triggered grief and anger throughout India. TV channels showed weeping widows on funeral and flag bear coffins carried by many people in villages and small towns. In evening study debates, experts and retired generals called for retaliation against Jaish-e-Mohammed and his sponsors in the Pakistani army. Mr. Modi warned that "terrorist outfits and those who help and support them" will pay a very high price for their actions. "As usual, Pakistan denied the blame and swore when evidence was presented.

Blood trail in India – including JeM founder Masood Azhar, Hafiz Muhammad Saeed of Lashkar-e-Taiba and underworld Don Dawood Ibrahim – live in Pakistan Apart from the transnational raids of small troops in India, India has not taken military revenge against terrorist shelters in Pakistan or the troops they protect, but since Pakistan acquired nuclear weapons in the 1990s, India has been afraid of the escalation Limited use of its much larger military.

Although banned by the United Nations and the US as a terrorist group, JeM has recently built a sprawling new training complex in the southern Punjab provinces of Pakistan, according to reports in the Indian media, Mr. Saeed, for his role in the attacks of Mumbai in 2008, in which 166 people, including Six Americans, killed, carrying a $ 10 million premium, founded a political party that had participated in the national elections in Pakistan last year. Mr Ibrahim, who blames India for bombing that killed more than 250 people in Mumbai in 1993 (Bombay then), is said to have fled into exile in Karachi's most upscale neighborhood.

"It is the public that presents itself as a real affront to India," says Paul Staniland, political scientist at the University of Chicago, who studies terrorist groups in South Asia.

New Delhi's inability to punish terrorists is in conflict with the view that Indians consider their country as an emerging power Pakistan in the dust. The $ 2.6 trillion Indian economy is 8.5 times that of Pakistan, more than the distance between Brazil and Colombia or between Germany and Belgium. The listed value of a single Indian company,

Reliance Industries

($ 110 billion) is almost twice as high as the entire Pakistan Stock Exchange.

Since the 9/11 attacks, Indians have become more aware of how other countries are responding to terrorism. In bourgeois living rooms, one often hears admiration for Israel's archenemy approaching Hamas and Hezbollah. And as India moves ever closer to the US, it has received more international support. Last week, national security adviser John Bolton reiterated White House support for India's right to self-defense.

At the same time, Pakistan's credibility has diminished in the West. Numerous analysts have documented Pakistani army support for jihadi groups, including the Afghan Taliban network and the Haqqani network targeting US troops in Afghanistan. It did not help that Pakistan hosted Osama bin Laden and failed to convict a single person for the 2008 Mumbai attacks.

For many of his followers, 2014 election of Mr. Modi should be a more up-and-coming India. A recent Bollywood blockbuster, loosely based on a cross-border strike in Pakistan's Kashmir in 2016 and ordered by Mr Modi, is keeping these efforts. In "Uri: The Surgical Strike", gusty and bearded warriors avenge an army camp attack by killing dozens of terrorists in Pakistani Kashmir and returning home intact. The drones developed in India work flawlessly. Their spies have Pakistani ministers spilling state secrets. The Prime Minister and his National Security Advisor show a calm determination and a strong will.

In reality, China and Saudi Arabia are likely to thwart Indian efforts to diplomatically isolate Pakistan. And JeM's recruitment of a local suicide bomber from Kashmir – and not one from Pakistan – and the choice of a military target draw attention to India's patchy human rights abuses. "With regard to Kashmir's public opinion, it is more difficult for India to deal with a car bomb in a market," says Staniland.

But although the reality may be more complicated than the beautification of Bollywood, Pakistan would be foolish in underestimating India's growing expectations of its military and intelligence services. In the film, national security adviser Ajit Doval explains that this is a "new India" that will "enter its homes and kill terrorists." While this is a conversation, as the elections approach, Indian voters expect real action. If the government does not defend its citizens, citizens may choose a new one.


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