As members of the Sudanese Party of the Islamic People's Congress arrived for a meeting in Khartoum on a Saturday afternoon, they were greeted by mistreatment of young groups of demonstrators and chanting "No to Islamists."
In the ensuing fighting both sides threw stones. Dozens were injured, and more than a hundred were arrested.
"It happened shortly after we started the meeting," said PCP member Qusai Abdalla, 38. "Some of the attackers came up with fuel to burn everyone in the hall, but we defended ourselves threw stones at them.
"I think some of them wanted us to die. And when we looked at the social media, we found out that there were people from the protest movement who said that the Islamists are holding meetings ̵
It was not an isolated case. Following the overthrow of Omar al-Bashir on April 11, the role of Sudan's Islamist parties, some of which maintained its regime for a long time, became increasingly prominent.
Where once political Islamists described themselves as kezain – Sudanese call a picture of themselves as drinking vessels from which the faithful could take up Islam – the term was rejected by the Sudanese as an abuse term, as they were called by those who had disrupted the PCP meeting. 19659002] On Friday, supporters of the Anas Ibn Malik Mosque in Imtidad Nasir in Khartoum Naji Abdallah, a prominent member of the PCP, demanded the mosque after denouncing the protests towards the end of Friday prayers. The imam of the Kafouri Mosque in Khartoum North also had to leave the mosque for similar reasons.
In a separate move, three Islamist generals in the country's new Transitional Military Council were quickly torn out of the incident at the PCP meeting. The ultra-conservative preacher Abdel-Hay Youssef, whose party also supported Bashir, was denied the military's permission to make his own rally in support of the Sharia law, hold government's protest to the Ministry of Defense in Khartoum on Tuesday. Photo: Mohamed Nureldin Abdallah / Reuters
There is evidence to suggest that the long-term influence of political Islamists in Sudan has been challenged as never before, causing concern among many Islamist parties and fears that the current negotiations between the Army and Freedom and Change, The umbrella group representing the street protesters behind the Sudan revolution will leave them in the cold.
"We are not bound by any agreement that we do not belong to," said Ali Al-Haj, secretary-general of the PCP, on Sunday inexorably over the ongoing talks on a joint civilian military council that will guide the country's political transition to Bashir. "We will not accept an agreement that excludes other political forces [ie parties like his]. This is a fundamental position.
All this is important in a country where military and Islamist political parties have been operating hand in hand for three decades, even though this, as so often in Sudan's turbulent and broken policies, has meant alliances that closed and redesigned when Bashir maneuvered to strengthen his power.
The story of PCP founder Hassan al-Turabi, a lawyer and Islamic scholar who died in 2016, is an example of this.
The Case As an ideological architect of the National Islamic Front, which later became the Bashir National Congress Party, Turabi codified the Sharia law system in 1983 as Attorney General – and helped Bashir in 1989 through a military coup in an alliance with the Islamists. 19659002] At the height of his influence by Turabi, he sought to turn Sudan into an Islamist center, where he was invited by moderate Islamist political figures such as the Tunisian Rachid Ghannouchi to Osama bin L Aden, who was in Sudan in the 1990s was stationed.
After quitting Bashir in the late 1990s, Turabi founded his own opposition party, but Turabi and the PCP have moved back toward Bashir in recent years. They did not oppose the Bashir regime in the last big round of street protests in 2013, and were part of the ruling coalition until the demise of Bashir earlier this month.
This remained the model of Bashir's way of doing business until his fall: Co-Islamist ideology deciding on a military regime while the Islamist parties kept the gun length if they threatened his power or brought them back if they needed their support ,
The analyst Hafiz Ismail is one of those who consider the case of Bashir as a case significant setback for the Islamist parties of Sudan in the form of Turabis PCP. "It's a very significant change," he said, explaining that the combination of political Islam with the regime had become toxic.
"Before the coup [in 1989] was the slogan" Islam is the solution. "But after 30 years of power, after 30 years of corruption and killing, they can no longer claim high moral ground.
[These parties] The Islamist parties have revealed their behavior since they took power after the military coup, which is why I believe they have no chance in a democratic process, which is why political Islam is not Future has. "
Famous columnist Shamael Elnour said, "I do not think their future is bright. There is a strong sense of hatred among the people of Sudan for them and political Islam in general.
"They supported the previous regime during its brutal campaign against the protesters in the past four months. For all these reasons, I do not believe that they have no political future. "
The Qusai Abdalla of the PCP is not convinced. He points out that recent events have helped to create a wedge between parties like him and the demonstrators who have brought down Bashir.
"I believe there are people who want to bring the country into conflict between the Islamists and the left," he said. "That's why they attacked us, but the Islamic parties will stay in Sudan because Sudan is an Islamic country."