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The missiles from the Gaza Strip prove that peace is just a dream



The State Department has made it clear that the 460 missiles fired from Gaza this week in Israel will not prevent Team Trump from setting up peace plans between the Jewish state and the Palestinians within the next two months.

In fact, the government believes that the violence makes the argument for another peace attempt even more compelling.

President Trump should not raise his hopes. Anyone else.

Both the Palestinian Authority and Hamas have made it clear that they are not negotiating with the Americans. There is also no evidence that they are able to make the concessions necessary for a two-state solution – the framework of Trump's plan and all those proposed by previous US authorities.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is ready to negotiate. The torments the Israelis have just made show why the majority of his people, under the current circumstances, have no appetite for withdrawal from the West Bank.

While most Israelis would be willing, at least in theory, to accept a two-state solution The latest missile strike suggests that Trump should be thwarted to demand acceptance of his plan shortly.

For starters, PA leader Mahmoud Abbas is too frightened of Hamas, who seized the Gaza Strip after the withdrawal of Israel from every soldier, settler and settlement in 2005, to sign a peace agreement with Israel ̵

1; that is, assuming he wishes for peace at all.

The reason why Abbas serves in the now fourteenth year of the president's four-year term He was elected after the death of Yasser Arafat because he fears another election would strengthen his rival Hamas.

Like a peace agreement with Israel. The fact is, if Trump's attempt to establish a Palestinian state in the West Bank was successful, it would likely result in Hamas operating there or even outright.

Netanyahu is often denounced as a peace opponent. However, if its approach to the Palestinians is supported by a majority of Israelis – and even its leading opponents are obliged to take similar measures – this is because most Israelis understand that the terrible dilemma is if their army controls security Giving up West Bank You are being confronted in the Gaza Strip in a much larger and more strategic area.

Netanyahu was bitterly criticized by both his coalition partners and his political opponents for agreeing to a cease-fire instead of launching a major offensive against Hamas could easily turn into a war raging in the summer of 2014.

His caution is justified because Israel does not have good options available. The victims on both sides would be terrible.

Even if Netanyahu were willing to oust Hamas and stand up to opposition to such a campaign from the rest of the world, Israel has no desire to govern Gaza. She also has no confidence in Abbas's ability to do so in a way that would prevent it from becoming a terrorist enclave.

The status quo in which Hamas can send the entire south of Israel to bomb sites. If it pleases, it is unbearable. But the alternative is a war that the Jewish state does not want.

At the same time, the Trump peace plan depends on a vision of the future, which may be even more dangerous. The withdrawal from Gaza led to more terrorism. Giving up the West Bank, no matter what guarantees are offered, is likely to lead to a Palestinian state – whether Abbas or Hamas – that can pose an even more dangerous threat.

Imagine a West Bank as armed and dangerous before Gaza is now – and recognized by the rest of the world as a sovereign state that Israel could not attack – and you see what most Israelis believe would be the only logical outcome a two-state solution.

Until both the Palestinian Authority and Hamas have conceded defeat in their centuries-long war against Zionism by recognizing the legitimacy of a Jewish state, the emergence of a legitimate Palestinian state independent of the borders of its borders is a recipe for more Bloodshed and not for Peace

Trump's intentions may be good, but any attempt to force Israel to give up more territory under present circumstances is doomed to failure.

Jonathan S. Tobin is Editor-in-Chief of JNS.org and Contributor to National Review


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