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Urge them to sue Trump while the Democrats respect and fear Pelosi



Prominent House Liberals, impatient with spokeswoman Nancy Pelosi's opposition to prosecuting President Trump, seemed to face a major breakthrough last month.

The Chairman of the Judiciary Committee, an important ally of Pelosi and the man The chairman of the hearings was preparing to oppose the leader of his party and join the motion for impeachment.

Pelosi moved quickly. She summoned her top lieutenants to a nocturnal meeting and slipped into a plan whereby six party leaders would jointly tell the chairman why it was a terrible idea to sue Trump.

"Republicans stew in their own juices," Pelosi said to Rep. Jerrold Nadler (DN.Y.), arguing that the majority of the Democratic Assembly did not support the impeachment trial and that the party should spend its time calling on Republicans On the side with a president who tramples on the constitution democrats and other high-ranking officials who spoke like others on the condition of anonymity to describe freely what was going on.

Nadler left the room in this night and has not publicly endorsed the impeachment. "Impeachment is a political act, and you can not accuse a president if the American people do not support it," he said.

As in recent weeks, pressure on the House democrats Increasing aggressiveness towards Trump, Pelosi has demonstrated the firm grip she exerts over her caucus ̵

1; at least from Only the urge to impeachment. It is an order that colleagues claim to derive a deep respect for the political wisdom of the most powerful woman in American politics – and their fear of questioning them carries the risk of serious costs to their own careers.

Pelosi blocked two rebels' ringleaders who had tried to deny her the role of speaker so that they would get their preferred committee missions – even though the peace pact she had made to reclaim the hammer excluded any retaliation. And experienced lawmakers remember exactly how they rejected the former Democratic legislators Jane Harman (D-Calif.) And John Dingell (D-Mich.), Who have two thorns on their side in their search for a chairmanship and those of Many are considered to be revenge for their challenge, vision or authority.

"It's much better to be with her than against her," said Stephen F. Lynch (D-Mass.), A Pelosi antagonist who eventually supported her as a speaker. "She does not make it easy, that's for sure."

"On the one hand, you want to be a team player and support the position of the leader, and on the other hand you are worried about yourself and … What can happen if you do not join?" Said another Pelosi critic, Rep Kurt Schrader (D-Ore.), Who summarized the members' concerns when opposing Pelosi.

Surveys of more than 20 legislators and aides have undermined the impetus for impeachment, despite the party's liberal base A poll published on Sunday by the NBC News-Wall Street Journal revealed that more Democratic voters support the impeachment – 48 percent, up from 30 percent in the previous month – but the nation was divided, and Republicans and independents were against it.

So far, impeachment supporters were in Caucus I'm not ready to Pelosi by name or rally support call to start the procedure. As a result, the campaign has slowed down and a minority of slightly more than 60 legislators are supporting the impeachment – at least for now.

The longtime Pelosi allies say the fear factor has increased enormously. Rather, the members respect the Californian Democrat, who has led them for 16 years and understands the political consequences of impeachment.

"I do not believe that there is anything more divisive than indicting a President of the United States, and therefore you need to be very careful with it," Pelosi said in an interview with CNN on Sunday. "It has to be about the truth and the facts to get you to a decision that needs to be made."

Pelose's midterm strategy to focus on the healthcare sector and not on the president helped the Democrats to conquer the majority party last year Pelosi knows that Democrats have these seats – and their majority – in a backlash for impeachment could lose.

"She's the smartest strategist we've ever had. , , , People do not want to question them because they are right on so many fronts, "said Rep. Jan Schakowsky (D-Ill.), A longtime Pelosi ally who has deferred the speaker on impeachment.

The impeachment move is far from over and could be more difficult for Pelosi to deal with as Trump repeatedly defies congressional investigators.

Pelosi "holds it together, but it's fragile because we're a kind of event, an explosive testimony." an action by Trump from this dam, which collapses, "said the deputy Gerald E. Connolly (D-Va.).

But even if a majority of their caucus demands impeachment, the allies of Pelosi predict that they will withstand the pressure.

Pelosis Maneuver

In recent weeks, Pelosi has been working behind the scenes to suppress the pro-impeachment movement in her caucus with strategically timed comments and announcements – and to urge her members to hire.

When the house majority whip, James E. Clyburn (DS.C.), said being suspended during a television appearance in early June was inevitable, Pelosis staff quickly mobilized, called his office, and told staff to get Clyburn to run it back As these congress officials are well aware, these talks.

When other high-ranking Democrats began campaigning for an impeachment on television, Pelosi made sure that at least some knew she was unhappy. During a recent private meeting, she snapped at member David N. Cicilline (DR.I.), a member of the Judiciary Committee, and signaled that she wanted him to mitigate his language of impeachment and focus more on the legislative agenda, Democrats and other senior officials.

Pelosi declined to talk about private talks.

Legislators have argued that recent court rulings confirming democratic subpoenas have helped cement Pelose's argument that her strategy works. And the fact that members are torn about what is right means that many are content to contradict their leader.

However, Pelosi's on-time announcements also played an important role in resolving tensions. As the demand for impeachment grows louder after some explosive news that Trump is defying Congress, Pelosi has tried to repeat the disappointment of a pro-incitement base by accusing Trump of being "hushed up" or saying he should be "in prison". These statements, say their allies, shield them as they stun the brakes on impeachment.

Pelosi has also made a conscious effort to "let the air out of the balloon before it bursts," said one adjutant. Last week, she announced a vote on civilian contempt on the floor of the House of Representatives to allow frustrated members to withdraw.

On Thursday, after Trump had told ABC News that he was ready to conduct opposition research from a foreign country, Pelosi was also ready with an answer: weeks before, she had instructed her committees to prepare a bill that would suit all candidates forces such contacts to report to the FBI. She discussed the legislation at a press conference and once again dismissed the reporters' questions about the impeachment.

Part of the effectiveness of Pelosi has been planned in advance. After Robert S. Mueller III. Declared in late May that he had not relieved the president and triggered another impeachment firestorm, Pelosi asked her top leadership to come to a session prepared for counter-impeachment on Monday, according to Democrats and other high-ranking officials.

During the clutter on June 3, Pelosi walked across the room to ask her top ally what they think of impeachment. everyone agreed. Caucus chairman Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.) even suggested that members should be brave enough to oppose the call for impeachment.

Proponents of impeachment did not back down.

Another Speaker

Pelosis's grip on her caucus stands in stark contrast to her Republican predecessors. Former speakers Paul D. Ryan (R-Wis.) And John Boehner (R-Ohio) have often faced fierce opposition to the public, which has hampered their effectiveness.

The conservative House Freedom Caucus not only broke with Ryan, but regularly bypassed his leadership and appealed to Trump to get what they wanted, and undercut his leadership. Prior to Ryan, Boehner faced the same conservative critics who threatened to oust him for his pragmatism and eventually force him to resign.

While conservative Boehner and Ryan were suspicious, Pelosi's Democratic base views as one of its own loyalist republicans, who was actually inspired by attacks on them as a liberal boogeyman during campaigns, former Boehner chief of staff Mike Sommers said.

"I think she's the only person who can handle her caucus at the moment," he said. "She has a base of support unmatched within democratic caucus."

Pelosi strengthened her grip on the caucus by suppressing a group of rebels who tried to prevent her from becoming a spokeswoman for the second time in more than a decade after a showdown with Trump in January over funding by the Government showed itself to be pelose's attempt to punish her opponents, as she had done in the committee's duties, was not the first time she had used a harsh tactic. In 2006, Pelosi refused to designate Harman as chairman of the House Intelligence Committee. The two had been in disagreement for decades, and when the Democrats took the majority, Pelosi appointed Rep. Silvestre Reyes (D-Tex.), Citing the time-limit rules she had abrogated. In 2002, Pelosi Dingell, who survived, supported as the main opponent. One of their allies, Rep. Henry A. Waxman (D-Calif.), Then took over the committee chairmanship desired by Dingell – with Pelosis' tacit approval.

"You can always contradict her – no problem. But you must not take them to a press conference, "said former Israeli Deputy Steve Israel (D-N.Y.), who worked alongside Pelosi for years. "I would not say that they are afraid of her, but I think members who want to resist her think long and hard about it."

Today, few House Democrats criticize Pelosi by name, even in relation to the emotional issue of prosecution. When they publicly disagree, many give her a chance, as MEP Eric Swalwell (D-Calif.) Said before announcing his support for the impeachment on Thursday, according to Democrats and other high-level officials.

House Financial Services Committee Chair Maxine Waters (D-Calif.), A supporter of the impeachment trial, said she did not make any effort to change her mind about impeachment, leaving Pelosis leadership.

"I do not criticize them, I do not blame them," Waters said about Pelosis's impeachment trial. "She has the responsibility to do the best work she can think of."

Cicilline was dismayed by the notion that the speaker was upset with him or his impeachment colleagues. When asked why he had not voted in favor of the impeachment trial, he said that the problem was too personal to try to turn the gun on.

Nevertheless, he argued that it was only a matter of time before the number of legislators opposing the impeachment increased: "In cases where the President acts as he believes he is above the law . " , , other members of the Caucus have no choice but to open and respond to an impeachment investigation.


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