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The truth about Esequibo



The expropriation of the esequibo, the de facto occupation of its territory and the exploitation of its immense natural resources must be the subject of national debates beyond the borders of political elites. What is happening is too serious, and the Exxon Mobil-led oil companies will start pumping oil into the waters of the Essequibo, thereby expropriating our territory and resources. In addition, the theory of Guyana, which blocks, is classified as safe our departure to the Atlantic.

Unknown Background

The dispute over the esequibo has been in the hands of the good United Nations official since the signing of the Geneva Accord for many years in a slow process of discussion, until this oil appeared and then the transnational oil companies.

Already in 1

999, following the triumph of President Chavez, oil companies began to press the government of Guyana to grant concessions or exploitation rights in the region in dispute. This was a global strategy of transnationals to extract hydrocarbon resources in the northeast of our country Region: Venezuela, Trinidad and Tobago and the Essequibo.

All of the movements and positions of these major oil companies are based on the insider information they receive with the help of their technical capabilities, political influence, and intelligence mechanisms to maintain them. Based on this data, which has been obtained through various means, transnational companies have known for years about the immense oil reserves in the Orinoco oil belt of gas north of the state of Sucre, of gas in the territory of Trinidad and Tobago and of our Deltana platform as well as strong indications Hydrocarbon accumulation in the waters of the Esequibo Territory. The transnational countries do not sting their thimble.

We are already in the Ministry of Energy and Mines, and the government of President Chávez of the Vice Ministry of Hydrocarbons, led by our dear friend Bernardo Álvarez, mobilizes and acts in a manner decided in consultation with our then State Department before the Government of the Guyana Cooperative to protest against the granting of territories (Pomeroon and Stabroek blocks) for oil production in waters of the Esequibo territory.

We also put pressure on companies Exxon Mobil and Hess to give up their intentions as their claims were in the waters of a disputed area claimed by Venezuela. We succeeded and the exploration activity was paralyzed.

From there, we launched an aggressive campaign to delineate our sovereignty over the immense natural resources in the northeast and in the extreme east of our country. There will be doubts about our ownership and our full development rights, which is closely related to the exercise of our sovereignty related.

First, we took control of the potential areas in the Deltana platform, in particular to begin the process of unifying the deposit Loran-Manatee with Trinidad and Tobago, the first offshore operation of our hemisphere. This process was successfully completed in 2007 and our ownership of 73.75% of the gas reserves of the shared site with Trinidad and Tobago is confirmed. At the same time as reaffirming our ownership of the gas volumes, we have undoubtedly described our exit to the Atlantic along our borders with Trinidad and Tobago, which allows us, though there is no dispute about it, establish a sovereign and firm position against Guyanas Claim to block our exit to the Atlantic.

Then we took control of the former Mariscal Sucre project, not only because it was in the hands of transnationals, but because PDVSA did not even participate. The tax regime of 1% royalty was illegal and the export target was against our target Gas for national development, in particular to create a petrochemical pole in the state of Sucre.

With the new PDVSA we started, As soon as the technical and economic conditions were met, the exploration of the northern end of these deposits took place, as we feared that the transnational operations would have The Trinitarian side, only one kilometer from our border Gas "drained" from our property.

With the nationalization of the Orinoco oil belt and the international certification of the world's largest oil reserves in their sub-continent country, the strategic goal of gaining control of our immense oil and gas reserves in the east and northeast of the country has been realized enabled us to ensure an exceptional hydrocarbon base for our national development.

On the other hand, we from the state through the Oil Ministry had regained the respect of the transnational oil companies and the international oil sector. Now, from our offensive against full oil sovereignty, they knew we could exercise our sovereignty over the country's natural resources at all costs and for everyone. For us in the government of President Chávez, sovereignty was not negotiable.

In the field of geopolitics, President Chávez's strategy linked a firm stance on our sovereignty, which was faithfully demonstrated in the oil sector, with a political rapprochement with President Jagdeo in Guyana, a rapprochement with the Caribbean and Caricom, traditional in favor of Guyana in his position in front of the Essequibo. For this we had Petrocaribe, a cooperation mechanism that allowed us to strengthen relations with our Caribbean facade from a solidary and friendly perspective that was different from the arrogant or aggressive presence in the Fourth Republic when Venezuela was involved in internal affairs and countries threatened like Guyana.

We paved the way for a friendly settlement to settle the dispute with Guyana. It was about finding a solution to a long-standing dispute that overshadows the development opportunities of this vast and rich region for the benefit of the two brothers. The traditional position of some sectors of the country advocating a confrontation or permanent confrontation with Guyana has been dissolved.

The country's right-wing sectors were very sensitive to the approach of a friendly solution and were very critical of any such activity. Nationalist clothing was torn apart, armed forces rebuilt; in short, it was a position bordering on racism and contempt for the fraternal peoples of the Caribbean.

This position of peacefully and constructively seeking an agreement with Guyana, along with the strong defense of our sovereignty. He has made progress thanks to the leadership of President Chavez, both in the country and within the Bolivarian Forces and in the region. We approached a solution.

Everything changed …

After the death of President Chavez, our political position weakened dramatically and our defense policy of full oil sovereignty gave way to opportunism and the government's lack of strategic vision, something transnational and political Factors perceived in Guyana immediately.

I recall that during my official visit to Guyana in August 2013 as President and still as Minister of Petroleum, I insisted on attending the meeting of Foreign Ministers with the mature President Ramotar, in order to raise our protest against the Guyana Government to the highest Level since they had reactivated the oil concessions to the Exxon Mobil and the Canadian CGX in the blocks Pomeroon and Stabroek. I took the cards and showed them the president, so there was no doubt about our position. Nothing happened, for adults it was not a priority issue, he did not pay attention to "it was PDVSA stuff". The agents involved with the transnationals in Guyana immediately noted the lack of interest that maturity had in the subject and said nothing about it.

In my time at the State Department and then as an Ambassador to the United Nations, I have always kept silent. He was surprised at the lack of interest in state affairs, which, after having been President Chavez's Chancellor for six years, was his priority and agenda his management should be. It was not like that.

The law firm that I found was an institution in ruins, in a deplorable state of their rooms and facilities. An institution defeated, downsized, banished with career officials, abused. Your employees and workers in unfortunate circumstances, without any benefits or rights. It was a negligently run Malandra ministry where stakeholders, who were unable, were placed above the institutionality of a ministry that would be of strategic importance to any country. Ripening, posting from the Yellow House, instead of doing it from the building where the officials were, he destroyed all the trained teams and with the knowledge of the subject, which always existed in the Foreign Ministry.

Professionals, civil and military, broad connoisseurs of the subject such as Enrique Planchart and Rear Admiral Elías Daniels were left aside because they were unpleasant to the Chancellor or his group. The same group, which incidentally arrived with Miraflores, matured and imposed this under the direction of the Government; Characters who bear a great responsibility for the destruction of the country and its institutions. What has made the Ministry of Foreign Affairs more mature is the same thing it has done with the country: the dismantling of state institutionalism, the imposition of intolerant sectarian groups with other interests.

The Transnational Progress …

In 2015, he assumes Guyana Presidency David Granger, a former professional soldier, former commander of the Guyana Defense Forces. He won the elections promising to take over Essequibo, to terminate the Geneva Agreement and to end the good offices of the United Nations. He promised to open the territory of Essequibo to the international oil companies and to transform Guyana into an oil country in order to advance the development of its population. Granger has had and has the full support of transnational interests, especially Exxon Mobil.

This position of Granger, hostile and unfriendly, as well as the acceleration of exploration work by the ExxonMobil in the Essequibo waters, have been generated by strong protest from the Venezuelan government. This never happened.

On October 16, 2013, a ship of the Venezuelan Navy, in fulfillment of its responsibilities, arrested a ship that caused earthquakes in the waters of Essequibo for the Anadarco oil company operating in the Guyana-sanctioned Roraima Block, in front of the state Delta Amacuro. He was imprisoned and then released under pressure from Guyana on government orders.

My position as Territorial Vice President was that any ship or platform that would carry out reconnaissance operations in the Essequibo waters should be stopped. It was necessary to confiscate the seismic data and place it under the protection of the United Nations, to condemn the activity before the Good Officer or the Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon and to prevent the progress of the work before the oil appeared before it was late. Nothing was done.

On September 30, 2015, a meeting of Presidents of both countries with UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moom will take place within the General Assembly. I had to witness this meeting as a United Nations Ambassador.

It was a tough meeting: Granger was very aggressive. It was far more mature, elusive, and clinging to the appointment of a good officer by the Secretary-General after the Geneva Accords. He did not mention the activities of transnationals in the Essequibo waters, which obviously violated the provisions of the Geneva Convention. Ban Ki-moom has just watched and in the end agreed to begin nomination for another good official. While Granger wasted no time in exposing and defending the United Nations' supposed rights to the essequibo, Mature was silent. The only person authorized by the government to discuss the case was Delcy Rodríguez, his chancellor, who did not trust our UN team. While the Chancellor, always surrounded by a general paranoid distrust of everything and everyone, was paralyzed, the Guyanese chancellor continued to declare and act internationally: UNO, Caricom, Caribbean.

Guyana used in his favor the aggressive discourse of maturity and the myriad mistakes that the government has made in this matter, such as the Decree establishing the operational areas of integral sea and island defense, delineating all the waters of the Atlantic against the Atlantic Ocean Essequibo included; and the worsening of Venezuelan Caribbean relations, mainly due to the PDVSA's inability to comply with the Petrocaribe agreements.

A whole year of efforts by Secretary-General Ban Ki-moom was lost to ensure this Venezuela accepted one of the candidates who, as agreed at the 2015 meeting, had been proposed as a good official. Successively, the candidates were rejected by a mature man and his foreign minister, all accused of being "agents of the CIA." In the United Nations, a reputable institution based on agreements, this attitude has been interpreted as a means to sabotage Venezuela's good services or show its disinterest.

When the Ban Ki Period ended After his election as the new Secretary General, Antonio Guterres, we convinced him, thanks to mutual trust and respect and his attitude, to reach agreement between the parties and to avoid conflicts, convinced the mechanism of good service does not end as claimed Guyana Guterres, however, gave a deadline to make a decision and granted him full year 2017 to reach an agreement.

After Venezuela had finally agreed to the usual arguments, Nylander was a Norwegian mediator with extensive experience in As a personal representative of Guterres in Colombia, he tried to resume a long-interrupted negotiation channel.

The Chancellor did not have time to approve the negotiations Good Officer proposed by the United Nations. On January 30, 2018, Secretary-General Antonio Guterres announced that, following the expiry of the period for understanding between the parties, which allowed the resumption of negotiations between Guyana and Venezuela under the Geneva Agreement, the recommendation of the United Nations Secretary-General was responsible that the parties go to the International Court of Justice and repeal the mechanism of good offices of the United Nations. Guyana achieved a resounding political and diplomatic success in this way, and Grander's goal was achieved: the withdrawal from the Geneva Convention.

In May 2015, Exxon Mobil informed the world about the success of its oil discoveries in the waters of Essequibo and in 2018 announced the development of the Liza Phase 1 project, which will reach 120,000 barrels per day and 750,000 barrels per day by 2020 2025 (more than the current production of the PDVSA from Quevedo).

Meanwhile, Delcy traveled in one way. He's permanently in New York and deals with personal matters that have been entrusted by adults to address the legal issues surrounding their environment. They were journeys with secret intentions. The UN was an excuse to be in New York. Through an oil-related litigation attorney who is friends with Venezuela, I learned what has already been said between the city's economic and political spheres: The Chancellor asked for a meeting with Exxon Mobil to set up a joint exploitation agreement for oil in the waters of Esequibo , Of course, the transnational said he had nothing to negotiate, mature envoys would be greeted by the back door, attended by lower-ranking officials. I was surprised and indignant at this message which was confirmed to me by the same colleague of the sector.

In this way, the respect and authority of the Venezuelan state conquered over so many years of struggle was pulverized. Now, a transnationaler threw the door on the senior leaders of the mature government and bragged to tell them all relatives.

The serious thing is that the mature government was ready to give up our sovereignty in return for flattering with the US government, in favor of the transnational oil company. Madurismo does not understand that the only way to maintain sovereignty and bring transnationality within the framework of our constitution and laws is to show coherence between discourse and action as part of our actions Bolivarian doctrine of the full defense of our territory and of our full oil sovereignty. as we did in the government of President Chávez.

Delivery

The mature government lacks the constitutional responsibility to defend our territorial integrity and our sovereignty So it was not only with the esequibo but also with gas and oil.

The maturity to join the Russians gave them the gas of the Mariscal Sucre project we had won from the Christopher Columbus Project, north of the state of Sucre. Russian companies have been granted tax exemptions and will receive domestic gas. There will be no more petrochemical Pol or Mariscal Sucre project on gas development in the state of Sucre. They also supplied the gas from the deposits we could unite with the Caribbean country on the Deltana platform, which was also planned for the domestic market and the petrochemical pole of the state of Sucre, to the transnational companies in Trinidad and Tobago.

With the Russians and Chinese, he delivered the oilfields of the Orinoco Oil Belt, the best we had nationalized and salvaged from Exxon Mobil and Conoco Phillips. This led to arbitration and litigation that we attended and participated in until 2014. We defended our sovereignty and today, as a result of the government's negligence, they were the excuse to sue and take action against CITGO.

That is, the mature handover of the home country, which is not yours, acts as if the land were His finances, he does what he wants, he respects neither the laws nor the constitution, he is accountable to no one. Mature does everything to ingratiate herself with the transnational powers of a country in search of oxygen and to help him stay in power.

The esequibo is lost through negligence on the part of the government. International law and politics punish negligence and inconsistency, lack of principles. All national sectors, beginning with the Bolivarian Armed Forces, as well as all political sectors, including the National Assembly and the National Constituent Assembly, have something to say and do.

Let no key issue for our future as a land Like the sovereignty over the esequibo, be buried in the allegations and political maneuvering between the government and the opposition. It is these kinds of questions and problems that should be developed by the national unit for the defense of the interests of the homeland.

In the meantime, Exxon Mobil, along with the Hess and Chinese CNOOC, announces in addition to the initial development of the Liza project. 1, new discoveries and Phase 2 of the project, called Liza-2, where there will be 220,000 barrels additional days for the year 2023 in addition to the already indicated 750,000 barrels a day.

Only a Patriotic Government Authority Together The Bolivarian Forces will be able to defend our sovereignty and our natural resources. We need to distance ourselves from the strict discourse of legal nationalism, which is so false that they are silent, because the company involved is no longer and no less the transnational Exxon Mobil, and the martial maneuvering of tires everywhere Enemies seek to play the dangerous game of war.

Apart from all the discourse against the fraternal people of Guyana, we must act decisively and confidently to prevent the expropriation of our territory and natural resources by transnational organizations, wherever

In my blog you will find a video, in which we explain in a simple way what happens in Esequibo. It is a contribution to the discussion and mobilization of national conscience on this issue. Hopefully, the National Assembly, taking into account all the political factors, can take a position in this regard, or the constitutional giver has the courage to challenge the government for its negligence in defending sovereignty. Otherwise, we show as much weakness as a country that the transnationals tear away not only the hand, but the whole arm.


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