After the government defeated the government on Monday night, legislators are holding a number of "indicative" votes to find a Brexit plan that advocates a majority in parliament.
We still do not know exactly what alternatives will do this for the debate to be selected, but these are the main options of Brexit.
The deal of Theresa May – also known as a resignation agreement – was agreed last November with the EU. Its main objective was to allow the United Kingdom to formally withdraw at a fixed date (originally on 29 March), while complying with EU rules for a further "21-month implementation period".
This gives the UK and the EU room to breathe as they work out the details of a future relationship.
The Brexiters hate this because it means following the rules of the EU Customs Union and the EU Internal Market, without saying anything ̵
The resignation agreement also contains the controversial backing of Northern Ireland. Essentially, this is an emergency call network that has to be drawn if, after the end of the implementation period, no possibility has been found to prevent the infrastructure at the Northern Ireland border. Why is that so controversial?
Because the backstop would place the entire UK within a single customs territory with the EU. That probably means no independent trade policy, the holy grail for holiday activists.
If the legislature agrees to May's agreement, this would mean that Britain leaves the EU on May 22 and enters the implementation period. But if May can not pass her deal, another way must be found.
What are these other options?
Norway Plus or Common Market 2.0
Norway Plus has advantages and disadvantages depending on the perspective. The United Kingdom would apply for accession to the European Free Trade Association, which would allow the United Kingdom to cooperate with the EU and other EFTA countries. Englisch: www.socialistgroup.eu/gpes/sessiond…01&place=STR – States (Iceland, Liechtenstein, Norway and Switzerland) on similar terms as today.
The United Kingdom would continue to be a member of the European Economic Area and thus retain access to the EU internal market.
According to the EFTA rules, the United Kingdom can still, at least in theory, continue to conduct its own commercial transactions while more or less maintaining trade relations with the EU. This will also lead to a minimal disruption of its world-class service industry.
But as a member of the Single Market, the United Kingdom would have to respect the four freedoms of the country. Capital and people, the latter being a problem for the Brexiteers, as the UK does not have complete control over the number of people crossing its borders.
The United Kingdom should continue to make large contributions to the EU, something that the Brexiteers have promised to end.
And the unique tariff scheme envisaged by Norway Plus is unique among EFTA members, so there is no guarantee that this could be achieved, so the question of the Irish border is not necessarily answered While this is a very clever plan, Norway Plus faces many of the same Problems like any other plan.
Permanent Customs Union
The opposition Labor Party was faced with great criticism for submitting a coherent Brexit plan. What we do know, however, is that it favors a permanent customs union with the EU, in which the United Kingdom is involved in future trade agreements.
A customs union is essentially a free trade agreement between a number of countries that agree to share common external tariffs. That means no customs controls at the borders. However, since the EU is a large trading bloc, it also has a single foreign trade policy, which EU Member States can influence, but which ultimately comes from Brussels.
First, it should be noted that Labor prefers a "customs" union, not "the" Customs Union. In reality, however, this hardly differs from the May plan "backstop" of a single customs territory. Moreover, there is no clear mechanism by which the United Kingdom could have a say in future EU trade agreements.
The other elements of the work plan maintain a "strong relationship" with the internal market and the EU standards for workers' rights.
These are the three plans, each backed by the government, the opposition and the group of MEPs who took control of the Brexit process early last week. In other words, the three most important things to watch out for. But there are other options the Commons are likely to consider.
Brexit does not mean Brexit, but no deal really does not mean a deal. Britain would leave the EU on 12 April and become a third country. It would trade with the world on terms set by the World Trade Organization and would fall from all EU institutions. This would affect everything from medical supplies to air travel.
For those interested in softer Brexit and for the government, it makes sense tactically to allow the Commons a final say in a no-deal Brexit.
For the softer Brexit types, this means that they can rule what the worst scenario is forever. For the government, May gives the chance to prove to their hardliners that they are a minority in parliament, and if they want to see Brexit carried out, it's their deal or something worse.
Canadian-Style Free Trade Agreement
Canada and the EU went through agonizing negotiations for more than seven years before agreeing on the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA).
CETA removes 98% of the tariffs between Europe and Canada for certain goods and offers to a large extent the EU services market. The agreement is essentially a looser trade agreement that eliminates many barriers between Europe and Canada. However, as Canada is not a member of the Customs Union or the Single Market, there are still customs controls.
For reasons previously discussed, this is not enough for the Irish border issue. The harder Brexitians, who want a looser relationship with Europe, are in favor of this plan, claiming that there will inevitably be solutions that address the border. However, they do not yet have to work out concrete solutions themselves.
Revoke Article 50
At the time of writing this report, it is still unclear whether the option of a second referendum on Wednesday will be discussed. Proponents of another public vote say that this is not a Brexit result, but a matter of trial and should be debated separately according to his own merit.
In the eyes of many, however, a second referendum is the only way the UK could credibly lift Article 50, the process of leaving the EU, and stay in block at its current conditions.
Great support for the revocation of Article 50 would be helpful to the proponents of a second referendum. Whether they get it or not is a very different question.